Wednesday, April 28, 2004

Supreme Court blows it. Bad day for democracy.

Five justices (with Kennedy as the swing) blew it today in Vieth. They approved a partisan power grab in Pennsylvania, allowing a political party to distort the will of the voters. If 50% of the vote can get a party 66% of the seats, that's a major problem.

The Court could have had a glorious moment, similar to Baker v. Carr in the 1963, unshackling voters from the oppressive power grab of a political force, but instead, they washed their hands of the mess.

My employer, the Center for Voting and Democracy, has information on the case including links to the opinions here. I didn't write any of this stuff, as I've been busy lobbying the Illinois General Assembly. So I won't get to read the opinions until Friday.

What a downer!

Tuesday, April 27, 2004

Senator Vince Demuzio died today.

This is sad news. The most senior member of the Illinois Senate, Vince Demuzio, died early today.

He was first elected in 1974, about a month after I was born. And I didn't know he was one of the "Crazy Eight" -- 8 senators who pushed hard to open up the state senate (like the Watergate class of Democrats in D.C. doing the same thing at the time). I found that out in this CBS 2 article.

They have already shifted his name to inactive on this Senate website.

I didn't realize how sick he was. I went into his Senate office last week while lobbying, and the secretary told me that he wasn't feeling well. He was only 62. Too, too young.

Tuesday, April 20, 2004

Senator Hagel says we need a draft

This is really bad.

Senator Chuck Hagel said that the situation in Iraq is so bad that we should bring back the draft, according to this story. (It's not clear whether he thinks we should consider bringing it back or is arguing for it, but the distinction doesn't matter -- the draft is in the air).

If we really want to engage in some shared sacrifice, how about a John Anderson-style 50 cents per gallon tax on gasoline? John Anderson would have lowered the payroll tax with the money raised from the gas tax, but while we're in deficit spending, we could use that money to finance the war in Iraq (and when it's over, lower the payroll tax, and re-raise the highest federal income tax rate from 35% (current) to 39.6% (1993-2001)).

Thursday, April 15, 2004

What a rip-off: Illinois deduction is $2000, federal is $7800.

So I get a standard deduction of $7800 from the federal government, and a standard deduction (called a personal exemption) of $2000 from the state government.

Come on Illinois!

Stop taxing low-income workers! We have got to raise the Illinois standard deduction. And I have got to get to the post office in the next 80 minutes. . . . .

Monday, April 12, 2004

Kathy Kelly's farewell address

Kathy Kelly is an inspiration. This letter is self-explanatory.

Kathy Kelly's Prison Mailing Address:
Kathy Kelly #04971-045
FPC Pekin
PO Box 5000
Pekin, IL 61555-5000

Crossing Lines
By Kathy Kelly
March 26, 2004

This weekend, I'm preparing for an April 6, 2004 entry into the Pekin
FCI (Federal Correctional Institute) in Peoria. I'm one of several
dozen people who, on November 22, 2003, crossed the line at the US
Army's military combat training school in Fort Benning, GA. With
caring friends, I've shared gentle and sometimes nervous laughter as
we try to make the best of a difficult reality. "Will you write a
book?" asks a sweet sister-in-law. My brother can't resist
chortling, "Yeah! A pop-up book!" and then we're off on a string of
imagined pop-ups over which to giggle. Yesterday, a friend joked
about a cartoon he'd seen that showed "the boss" in jail and the
unnerved assistants asking, "How long can we say, 'Sorry, he's away
from his desk.'"

I could be harmed in prison, but that certainly could have happened
to me while in Baghdad or several other places I've traveled to by
choice. I don't feel anxiety beyond normal fear of the unknown.

The cruelty of prison rests in locking up people who are often
already feeling remorse and low self-esteem because of past actions
and then heaping upon them more reasons to feel badly about
themselves and allowing almost no means to improve their situation.
Parents separated from their children, feeling that they've screwed
up their lives, are often snarled at by counselors and guards who say
they should have thought about their loved ones before they started
causing trouble. People who've committed crimes, often nonviolent
crimes which they honestly regret, (mainly related to drug use and
drug trade), shouldn't be free to continue harming themselves or
others through drug traffic. But why take away every other freedom,
and why employ other human beings to act as "human zookeepers?"

I've felt somewhat insulated from attacks on self-esteem while in
prison. I'm proud of line-crossings that protest pouring money into
the Project ELF nuclear weapon facility in northern Wisconsin that
fast tracks Tomahawk Cruise missiles to maim and kill people in Iraq.
Likewise, it's good to be part of the growing group who've crossed
the line at a military combat training school in Fort Benning, GA.
Graduates of the school have been responsible for massacres,
assassinations and tortures. People should be crossing these lines
every day of the week. No shame, no stigma here.

But I do feel troubled because I've been so distanced, in recent
years, from some of the poorest people in our country. I need to
better understand what's happening to them. Am I right when I guess
that the media successfully pressures young people in inner cities to
consume, to buy, to have brand name this and that? Does this
corporate push to buy certain lines of clothing, cosmetics, and cars
push people further into an underground economy because they can't
get a stake in the above ground economies after our education system
has badly failed them? Thinking of how George Fox, who helped found
the Quaker faith, would stand on church pews during sermons and urge
people to trod gently over the earth, seeing that of god in everyone,
I've nurtured a fantasy related to court rooms. Suppose one were to
stand up on a courtroom bench, risk contempt of court, and
ask, "Could we just take a minute to analyze our setting here with a
live graph? How many in this court room are making money in the
criminal justice system and how many are "the raw material" feeding
this system? I'll bet that the people making money would be,
primarily, white and well educated. They're the lawyers, the judges,
the courtroom personnel. And I'll bet that the people feeding the
system, keeping the well paid criminal justice system employees in
business, would be African American, Hispanic, and Asian. If
convicted, the "criminals" could find themselves earning 18 cents per
hour laboring, within the prison industrial complex, for major US
corporations who can hire prison labor without ever having to worry
about paid vacations, benefits, overtime, hiring supervisors, or
renting workspace. The prison industrial complex resembles
enslavement and might be a precursor to fascism.

I want to nonviolently defy this system.

In 1988, upon entering the Cass County jail in Harrison, MO, my heart
sank as I realized how intensely the other 12 women in the cell, a
dingy area called "the bullpen," didn't want to see a new person
encroach on the minimal space allotted to them. Most had already been
there for many weeks. The bullpen was meant to be a small holding
cell area, but because the jail was so overcrowded, the six bunk
beds, exposed toilet, metal table and spray-mist shower with a ripped
curtain became housing for women prisoners awaiting transport. I had
just been released from the hospital following major surgery after a
lung collapse caused by a congenital abnormality. Friends said that
in my prison uniform I could have posed for a Soviet Union poster
charging the US with abusing prisoners. The women prisoners glaring
at me were seeing a 90 pound woman with pink eye, a runny nose,
tangled hair, an obnoxious cough, and a facial rash. Eyeing the top
bunk assigned to me, I wondered how I'd heave myself up there without
stepping on another woman's bed. And how could I stuff the lumpy
mattress I carried into the prison issue casing when I could barely
bend down to tie my shoes? At that point, the most intimidating woman
in "the bullpen" laughed, rolled her eyes, and said, "I don't know
what I did so wrong to be locked up with this white motherfucker with
AIDS!" My heart sank.

I managed to occupy the top bunk and, over the next hours, women
closest to me were curious and then kindly, asking me how I'd ended
up in the bullpen. We found small ways to be helpful to one another.
For instance, I had my "week-at-a-glance" address book with me which
included a small map of the US. Together, other inmates and I found
the various federal prisons to which each of us could be sent. I
started to feel better. Within three days, all of the women treated
me with affection, calling me "Missiles" for short. (I made a mental
note not to trivialize our action in planting corn at nuclear missile
silo sites but decided not to argue with the nickname.) "Missiles,"
said the woman who had first erupted upon seeing me, "I tried my
hardest not to like you, but I just can't help myself --I like you."

Major Nick and Sargeant Roy, the officers responsible to run the Cass
County jail, were stingy beyond belief when it came to spending the
federal money sent to them as reimbursement for housing federal
prisoners awaiting transport. We never had adequate supplies of
toilet paper, paper towel, cleaning supplies, or eating utensils. In
the two months I spent there, only once was a guard "free" to take us
outside for fresh air. Painted battleship grey, with bars on three
sides of the enclosure, and flourescent lights that were never turned
off, the "bullpen" was one of the worst places the prison system in
the US maintained.

One day a woman came into the cell who had been charged with a DUI,
driving unde the influence. Her lawyer came to bail her out the next
day. As she left, I asked if she could leave behind her
newspaper. "Oh honey," she said, "you all shouldn't have to read
yesterday's news. I'll get them to send in today's paper." I politely
said that we'd rather have the old one because when we ran out of
toilet paper we used newspaper. As soon as she was outside, she
slapped a lawsuit against the prison for failing to respect human
rights. As soon as Major Nick learned of it, he stormed into "the
bullpen." "Which one of you all bitches in this here bullpen had the
nerve to say that we do not GIVE you toilet paper?" he bellowed. I
expected a chorus of angry responses, but instead heard, "Musta' been
Missiles. She thinks she's living in some kind of hotel!" I was
stunned. I felt like a general leading the charge who looks behind,
asking, "Where are the troops?" Major Nick polled each woman in the
cell. "Have you EVER had an experience in this bullpen where your
needs were not met?!" Each woman avowed that Major Nick and Sargeant
Roy took good care of them. When my turn came, I listed the items
they didn't supply, told him how awful the slop they fed us had been,
complained about the miasmic cloud of cigarette smoke hovering over
us, and assured Major Nick that he shouldn't run a kennel for dogs
much less a place where human beings lived.

Hours later, after a glass of kool-aid was spilled on the metal table
and we had no paper towel to clean it up, women began
shouting, "Guard! Guard! We need paper towels." No paper towels
arrived. A sticky puddle trickled onto the floor.

Months later, at the Lexington, KY maximum-security prison where I
served the remainder of my sentence, I asked one of the women to help
me understand what had happened that day. She helped me see how much
power Major Nick and Sargeant Roy had over each of the women. These
jailers could interfere with their chances to get "good time," to see
their children before they were transported to a faraway prison, to
see or talk with a lawyer, to meet with a clergy person, to purchase
commissary items, or to get a box sent into the prison with tube
socks and an undershirt. I had plenty of "connections" on the outside
and had nothing to lose, with a relatively short (one year) sentence
and a statement on record that I wouldn't pay any fines. Of all of us
in that cell, I was the most privileged in terms of education and
financial security.

The story has become a metaphor for me. Who had the biggest
responsibility, in "the bullpen," to raise her voice? To whom much is
given, much is required. When we witness, first hand, serious abuses
of fellow human beings, and when we have a chance to raise our voices
and perhaps alleviate their afflictions, how can we keep quiet?

In our world, many of us who live in the US are perched, quite by
accident, amidst inordinately luxurious surroundings, relative to the
rest of the world. We're the luckiest. We're the most blest. And we
have the greatest responsibility to build a better world.

My own logic tells me that when US troops "crossed the line," in
March 2003, they trespassed into a sovereign country, Iraq, based on
the theory and argument that Iraq's weapons of mass destruction posed
an imminent threat to people in the US. Now it's clear that Iraq
didn't pose even a distant threat to people here.

At Fort Benning, GA, we crossed a line onto two feet of government
grass at a place where it's beyond dispute that graduates of the
military combat training school have participated in torture,
maiming, disappearance, massacre and assassination when they returned
to their own countries.

The time-honored method of nonviolent civil disobedience has helped
swell the numbers of people who clamor for closure of the SOA. In
November 2003, 14,000 people processed to the gates of Fort Benning,
solemnly carrying crosses in remembrance of the hundreds of thousands
of people who were brutally and lethally punished by SOA graduates.
New disclosures implicate recent graduates of this military combat
training school in actions that have threatened innocent people in
Central and South America. I remember joining (Rev.) Roy Bourgeois,
MM, and a dozen others for four weeks of a water-only fast, at the
gates of Fort Benning, in 1990. It's been a relief, then and now, to
feel that we're trying our best to prevent any furtherance of a
school that teaches people to terrify and subjugate brothers and
sisters who live in the impoverished countries south of the United

On Monday, March 29, I'll go to Madison, WI to face a one-month jail
sentence for refusing to pay a $150 fine after twelve of us walked
two feet across the line onto the Navy's ELF/Trident transmitter site
located in the northern woods of Wisconsin. ELF (extremely low-
frequency waves) is used to trigger nuclear missiles. The ELF system
is also used to trigger Cruise missiles. Cruise missiles were the
weapon of choice among war planners as the Shock and Awe campaign
against Iraq was developed. On January 26, 2003, the Sun-Herald of
Sydney, Austraila reported, "The US intends to shatter
Iraq 'physically, emotionally and psychologically' by raining down on
its people as many as 800 cruise missiles in two days." "There will
not be a safe place in Baghdad," a Pentagon official told CBS News
Feb. 8, 2003. "We want them to quit, not to fight," said Harlan
Ullman, author of the "shock and awe" attack plan, "so that you have
this simultaneous effect—rather like the nuclear weapons at
Hiroshima - not taking days or weeks but minutes." Mr. Ullman told
the Sun Herald, "You take the city down. By that I mean you get rid
of their power and water. In two, three, four, five days they are
physically, emotionally and psychologically exhausted."

I felt deep dismay, in Baghdad, during that war, as the bombs
thundered down on the city, morning, noon and night. I also promised
myself a nonviolently defiant visit to a military facility that
helped launch those bombs, at the earliest opportunity, upon return
to the US. "Don't do the crime if you can't do the time," is a line
we often hear. I'm ready.

Almost every time I've crossed the border to leave Iraq, I've felt as
though I'm leaving an enormous prison. It takes me about eight
seconds to readjust to having electricity; I nearly genuflected in
front of the thermostat when I returned home after a chilly stretch
of weeks in Iraq last winter. At home, I never worry about bombs
exploding nearby, nor do I wonder how to pay for food, clothing and
rent. People in Iraq and in many of our neighboring southern
countries must constantly preoccupy themselves with ways to survive
circumstances over which they have very little control. Their lives
are directly afflicted by our desires to be "better off" than the
rest of the world, taking other people's resources at cut-rate prices.

In his riveting autobiography, From Yale to Jail, (Rose Hill Books,
1993), David Dellinger concludes a chapter entitled "Prison Again"
with an editorial he published in 1947, after his release from
Lewisburg maximum-security penitentiary. Deploring the bombings of
Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Dellinger wrote "Without any semblance of a
democratic decision—without even advance notice of what was taking
place—the American people waked up one morning to discover that the
United States government had committed one of the worst atrocities in
history…The sudden murder of 300,000 Japanese is consistent with the
ethics of a society which is bringing up millions of its own children
in city slums."

From previous imprisonment, I recall a world of imprisoned beauty,
and yet most of the women I met landed there because of ugly
circumstances which they had tried to escape through drug use, drug
sales, or both.

Not all peace activists can be part of civil disobedience actions
resulting in prison sentences. But for those who can, entering the
prisons offers an opportunity to better understand how the once
lauded war on poverty has become a war against the poor.

Those of us who 'do time' for crossing lines at Fort Benning and at
Project ELF will be away from our desks, but we won't be away from
our work.

Kathy Kelly is a co-coordinator of Voices in the Wilderness. 773-784-
To learn more about how to become part of efforts to close the SOA,
Kathy will also spend time in prison for crossing the line at Project
ELF, a US Navy nuclear weapon facility in northern WI which helped
fast-track Tomahawk Cruise missiles that attacked Iraq during the
Shock and Awe campaign. To learn more about the campaign to shut down
Project ELF, visit

Friday, April 09, 2004

Scalia censors two reporters -- he should not be on the Supreme Court

This is ridiculous. Justice Antonin Scalia forbids the press from reporting on his public speeches, and yesterday a federal marshal ordered two reporters to erase their tapes of his speech. A story on the government censorship from a Supreme Court Justice is here.

Stuff like this makes me question lifetime appointments for federal judges.

My column in the Third Coast Press on the amazing Obama victory

I'd refer you to the website, but editor Rik Adamski (who has done a great job leading the team that is creating this monthly paper) is holding off on an electronic version.

Here's the column:

State Senator Barack Obama’s unexpected landslide victory in the Democratic primary election is a political earthquake. It is the most exciting progressive victory in a statewide primary in 20 years and it opens up incredible opportunities for the progressive wing of the Illinois Democratic Party. The majority coalition of the party – blacks, progressive whites and independent Latinos – is in a better position to work against the pernicious effects of the patronage machines that exclude new people, tolerate corruption and thus sap away enthusiasm and identification with the Democratic Party.

First, the amazing numbers. Senator Obama earned more than 52% of the vote – more than 650,000 votes total. More people voted for Obama than all the other Democratic candidate combined – and just about as many votes as all the Republican candidates combined. To reiterate the point, the 1.3 million Illinois voters were split about evenly into three groups: Republicans, non-Obama Democrats and Obama supporters.

In Chicago, Obama earned just below 300,000 votes -- two out of every three votes cast by Democrats -- while most of the party establishment supported Dan Hynes’ campaign. His numbers were similar in suburban Cook County, almost two out of every three votes, with huge margins in white, affluent suburbs. When was the last time an unabashedly progressive black candidate earned the enthusiastic support of whites, blacks, high-income, low-income, Latinos and even some Downstate counties (Obama won Sangamon, Champaign, Jackson, McDonough, Kankakee and Iroqouis Counties)? The answer is: never. This is the first time something like that has happened in Illinois, and it is one of our proudest moments.

Obama represents what is best about the Democratic Party: multi-racial, principled, idealistic and rooted in using government to raise our living standard. His stunning victory is an opportunity for progressives to invest in the Democratic Party with a leader who inspires.

The primary illuminated a disconnect between some of the Democratic Party establishment and Democratic Party voters. The Chair of the Illinois Democratic Party (and Speaker of the House) Michael Madigan, Cook County Board President John Stroger, Congressman Bill Lipinski, Cook County Finance Committee Chair (and Mayoral Brother) John Daley, the older labor unions that dominate the AFL-CIO – they all endorsed Dan Hynes’ campaign.

It’s easy to see the disconnect by looking at vote totals by ward. The city is divided into 50 wards of equal population (about 60,000 people). Each ward elects an alderman who serves in the City Council, but just as importantly, each ward elects a Democratic Party ward committeeman, a non-paid position, but the leader of the Democratic organization in the ward. These ward committeemen are far more important than they appear, because they help to determine the character of the Democratic Party – they are either inclusive and policy-driven, or they are exclusive and patronage-driven. Patronage organizations are the worst aspect of the Chicago Democratic Party as they compel people with government jobs to ‘volunteer’ for a political candidate – and this is a huge turn-off to voters.

Most of the ward organizations that supported Dan Hynes ended up losing – big – to Barack Obama. In the South Side 8th ward, Cook County Board President John Stroger is the ward committeeman. He backed Dan Hynes, but the 8th ward voters did not, casting 15,684 votes for Obama and 649 for Hynes. On the lakefront, from the Loop all the way up to around Foster Avenue, the organizations for the 42nd, 43rd, 44th and 46th wards all endorsed Dan Hynes – and most of the elected officials followed suit. Obama swept the entire lakefront with 70%+ of the vote. (The 48th and 49th ward organizations endorsed Obama). On the Northwest Side, where ever-more progressives are moving in and the long-time residents are flexing more independent muscle, only the 35th ward organization led by Alderman Rey Colon endorsed Obama – all the rest went another way, and Obama still won them all (except for the 31st ward, where the non-endorsed Gery Chico won!).

What this means is that the internal structure of the Democratic Party is changing. Old machine-style politics where ward organizations could “deliver” votes to the annoited candidates is dwindling. An attractive, qualified, progressive candidate that can get his or her message to voters will trump an organization – even when an organization is actively working for another campaign. The overnight forest of Dan Hynes signs is a testament to the sticking power of the patronage organizations – but signs don’t vote.
This is an important lesson, because the perception of invincibility is one of the most powerful tools at the organization’s disposal. If we think that we can’t beat the patronage organizations, then we won’t try. If we think that the only way to participate in politics is through the organizations, then we’ll never get involved. Until the poll closed on Election Day and I saw the results in the 35th precinct of the 43rd ward where Obama earned 122 votes to Dan Hynes’ 18, I believed that the machine could still pull out a victory. I was still intimidated by the organization and would have been happy with a second-place finish for Obama. After all, I surmised, if all the elected officials and the ward organization is behind Dan Hynes, what chance do we have? The machine always wins, so I thought. And that thinking is now obsolete!

The Obama victory is an engraved invitation to every progressive to engage with the Democratic Party. We’ve learned that if voters get enough information about a candidate’s qualifications and positions to make up their own mind, they will usually support the best candidate. Our job as progressives is to get that information about good candidates to voters. And the most methodical way to do that is to take the tools of the ward organizations – become a precinct organizer. There are between 300 and 700 votes in every precinct. You can find out which ward and precinct you are in on your voter registration card. You can get a map of your precinct and a poll sheet listing every registered voter in your precinct for free from the Chicago Board of Elections at their City Hall office on the first floor. And you can start knocking on the doors of your neighbors and asking them to vote for the best candidates.

There is no better way to win elections – and by electing progressive crusaders like Barack Obama, lifting the living standards of millions of people – than by methodically talking to neighbors, giving them information about the candidates and the voting process, and then asking them to vote for the good guys.

In this time of great potential change and progressive reform in the Illinois Democratic Party, we need more precinct organizers who will persistently work on building our majority, one voter at a time.

Wednesday, April 07, 2004

More Nader reaction

Polis-Chicago found this AP story in the New York Times on Nader's call to impeach President Bush in Chicago yesterday (why didn't the Chicago dailies cover this story?), and kindly quotes my post below.

I think a lot of progressives who have come to understand their role in the Democratic Party coalition take a similar attitude towards Nader voters (for lack of a better term) than Polis-Chicago or thatcoloredfella (who is in the comments section): exasperation. Why don't these people get in line? And vote for Kerry? Or whatever centrist Democrat can beat the reactionary Republican?

First, let's put the blame on our outdated plurality voting system where a candidate need not earn a majority of the vote to win, so similar candidates can (and do) split the vote. Instant runoff voting solves this real problem. And just last month, Berkeley voters overwhelmingly approved a referendum to authorize its use in local elections (here is the campaign website). And to help make this happen, join this instantrunoff yahoogroup.

Polis-Chicago wants Nader to sternly scold his young followers to vote for Kerry in the fall (as if they all will follow his command). I think it makes far more sense to ask them to cast their second-choice for Kerry, since, after all, Kerry is their second-choice. Not their first-choice.

Enough about that. If Nader is right that he can help to frame the Bush Adminstration as a reckless, irresponsible mess with quagmire abroad and rich-get-richer-while-the-rest-of-us-stagnate at home, by saying things that don't seem 'presidential' but make people nod their heads (such as "Bush should be impeached for lying about the reasons to invade Iraq"), then that's a good thing for helping to defeat Bush. Swing voters often like to hear strong, bold language. Kerry is unlikely to deliver that language, because of this odd Beltway tendency to seek establishment approval and seem imperiously responsible.

I really think we should see this as a structural difference in our governing coalition, since cultural conservatives and first-time voters seek establishment acceptance and approval in a hierarchy, so they have no problem joining up with the Republicans and getting in line, so it requires a structural solution. Getting mad at Nader is like getting mad at the symptoms of a disease. Progressives are by nature less disciplined than conservatives, so we need to find a way to embrace that as a competitive advantage instead of always getting hurt by it.

P.S. I was on ABC 7 yesterday at 6 pm (thank you Andy Shaw), and wouldn't you know it, forgot to tape the show. If anyone can get me a tape of the Tuesday newscast, I'll buy you lunch. Or send you $40. Whichever you want.

Tuesday, April 06, 2004

Nader's speech in Chicago today

So, I went to hear Ralph Nader speak at Columbia College today. He's kicking off his Illinois campaign, and this is his first appearance in the state.

I was the Illinois manager for the Nader campaign in 2000, and I'm not a supporter of the Nader 2004 campaign. That's the background.

The place was filled with 200 or so mostly young, mostly white people. And this is a crowd that represents 1 to 5 percent of the Democratic Party coalition. John Kerry -- or any centrist presidential candidate -- will not bring these people out to vote. These people (many of them first-time voters) need an unalloyed candidate who doesn't seem part of the establishment to inspire them to participate. They need a candidate who can call for President Bush's impeachment for an "unconstitutionally-authorized war based on untruths" in order to register to vote and feel that they aren't selling out.

Of course, the tension is that Kerry is better than Bush for these people, but many of them won't vote for Kerry.

That's where instant runoff voting comes in. Voters get a first-choice and a second-choice.

The crusading candidate can inspire and energize voters, who then give their second-choices to the better ccentrist candidate.

Plus, it's great for a civic culture to have more voices and more choices. Too many topics are taboo in our political discourse. One young bearded radical asked Ralph about Israel-Palestine: whether as President he would cut off economic aid to Israel and whether he would back the "racist two-state solution." Ralph said that he would do both of these things and then mentioned that in Israel, there's more freedom to discuss U.S. policy towards Israel and especially the economic aid we provide than there is in the United States.

I think that's true -- it's a taboo to talk about Israel in anything less than a solidarity song. But it raises another point: more choices help raise more issues, and as democrats, we all should like that. That helps to inform and articulate the public will.

Thursday, April 01, 2004

My article on Chicago as a Green City in this month's Conscious Choice is out

So, the April cover story in Conscious Choice is about Chicago as an environmentally-leading city. I'm credited with the story, but the tone of the piece is my editor's, not mine.

But there's no way to tell that from reading the piece (or, I guess, any edited piece).

I can see which paragraphs in the piece retain my tone, and which ones take on the breezy, conversational tone of my editor (such as the lead: "You've gotta hand it to him." or ". . the mayor's intent is clear: I mean business!").

I'm delighted and grateful to Conscious Choice that I had the chance to interview Mayor Daley and write about environemental policies, but I am incredibly uncomfortable with reading sentences that I would never have written under my name. It seems so inauthentic.

I wonder how other writers -- those with editors -- deal with the this professional tension. I mean, I'm appalled that the word "gotta" appeared in an article that I wrote. I feel like one of those public service announcements where a 10-year-old girl's voice is speaking from the body of a 60-year-old man. This article is not in my voice. Maybe I'm just acting like a bit of a prima donna.

I'll link to the article as soon as they update their website.

Too bad Eric Zorn is on vacation; I'd like to know his thoughts on this, since he's got editors. Any other reporters or free-lancers, I'd like to know your thoughts.